Cities, Climate and Inequalities

For a just and feminist ecological transition in Montreal

December 2022

Naomie Léonard, doctoral student in urban studies (INRS); Hélène Madénian, doctoral student in urban studies (INRS); and Gabrielle Perras St-Jean, doctoral student in urban studies (INRS)


Public and environmental policies still largely fail to take into account the fact that concerns, impacts and solutions in the fight against climate change differ according to gender. Yet gender plays a decisive role in how the climate crisis is experienced on a daily basis, as highlighted by the most recent reports of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) and other scientific studies. Women,[1], as a heterogeneous social group, are generally more vulnerable to the effects of climate change. However, these vulnerabilities, which result from socio-historical and economic processes, do not prevent women from playing a significant, if often invisible, role in the fight against climate change (Gaard, 2015).

In this regard, the City of Montréal is no exception. In its Climate Plan 2020‒2030 – Building an inclusive, resilient, carbon-neutral city, presented in December 2020, the city completely eschews the gender issue in its analysis of the situation and the solutions envisaged to deal with the impacts of climate change. It is in response to this state of affairs, and with a view to a just ecological transition, that the Conseil des Montréalaises (council of Montreal women) commissioned a study to document the impacts of climate change on Montreal women. This study would serve as a basis for making recommendations to the City of Montréal.

In the City’s fight against climate change, a consideration of gender from an intersectional perspective would enable it to avoid certain pitfalls, such as reproducing sexist biases and stereotypes, or exacerbating inequalities between genders and between women themselves. This text is a summary of the research that led to the publication of the Opinion Paper of the Conseil des Montréalaises entitled “Pour une transition écologique juste et féministe à Montréal” (For a just and feminist ecological transition in Montreal), issued on November 2, 2022.

Literature review[2]

While the gendered impacts of climate change are increasingly well documented, the issue remains understudied in Western cities. Our research is based primarily on the[3]

literature on urban realities as well as the Global North. Given the time constraints, scope and mandate of our study, the intersectional approach adopted here is only partial. It must be borne in mind that “women” are not a monolithic group, nor do they share a universal experience of vulnerability in the context of the climate crisis (Waldron, 2018).

Also, while this research is particularly focused on women’s vulnerabilities in the context of climate change, it is not casting them as either victims or saviours (Arora-Jonsson et al., 2016; Gay-Antaki, 2020; Resurrección, 2013). Vulnerability here refers to sensitivity and level of exposure to the impacts of climate change, combined with a group’s adaptive capacities, themselves influenced by social, economic, political and cultural factors (Eastin, 2018; Rochette, 2016; Sellers, 2016). Vulnerability to climate change is indeed the result of structural injustices and inequalities (Gaard, 2015; Khosla and Masaud, 2010; Resurrección et al., 2019).

The literature review reveals that gender is one of the dimensions influencing the experience of the climate crisis. It affects perceptions of the scale and effects of the crisis as well as the types of solutions (adaptation or mitigation) envisaged to deal with it (Bee et al., 2015; IFPRI, 2012; Köhler et al., 2019; Rochette, 2018c). The gendered impacts of climate change can be grouped into four main dimensions: 1) women’s assignment to reproductive labour and greater economic precarity have a strong influence on women’s vulnerability to climate change (IPCC, 2022; Weiss, 2012); 2) the impacts of extreme weather events on overall health, particularly mental health, are more intense for women and can have long-term effects, notably as a result of their assignment to reproductive labour (Waldron, 2018; Sellers, 2016); 3) physical, psychological and sexual violence against women increase during extreme weather events (Perkins and Peat, 2017); and 4) climate change contributes to increasing inequalities between men and women, and between women, notably by reinforcing the gendered division of labour which assigns women to reproductive tasks (Eastin, 2018).

This greater assumption of responsibility for reproductive labour (domestic chores and care work[4]) results in a greater degree of vulnerability to the effects of climate change, and partly explains why women are less climate-skeptical than men (Fletcher, 2017; Gaard, 2015; IFPRI, 2012; Weiss, 2012). Being more lucid about climate change issues, they tend to have a heightened sensitivity, alongside pragmatism, that can translate into more negative emotions (e.g., feelings of helplessness, anger, sadness) (Champagne St-Arnaud et al., 2021).

Beyond women’s vulnerability, it is also necessary to recognize their role as agents of positive change (Figueiredo and Perkins, 2013; McGregor, 2008; Perkins, 2017; Prindeville and Bretting, 1998; Rainey and Johnson, 2009; Rochette et al., 2013; Rodriguez Acha, 2017; Waldron, 2018). Women are generally more committed to climate action, although this is not reflected in the decision-making spheres that enable action on these issues (Papineau, 2017; Sellers, 2016). This under-representation in decision-making bodies poses two problems. Firstly, since women tend to favour types of solutions (mitigation or adaptation) that revolve around everyday life and the modalities of individual and collective social reproduction, we, as a collectivity, are depriving ourselves of many solutions (Griffin Cohen, 2017; Faulkner, 2000; Rochette et al., 2013; Swim et al., 2018; WEN/NFWI, 2007). Moreover, economic and techno-scientific measures, generally valued by men, have gender-differentiated effects, sometimes reinforcing inequalities between men and women and between women themselves (Allwood, 2020; Dymén et al., 2013).

In the urban environment, spatial inequalities influence the degree of climatic vulnerability of individuals and communities. They also accentuate the risks incurred by populations that are already socioeconomically precarious (Alber et al., 2017; Khosla and Masaud, 2010). Urban populations tend to rely more on the infrastructures and services offered by their municipality and less on networks of relationships and informal infrastructures. However, access to these infrastructures and services is largely influenced by various social factors (Ranganathan and Bratman, 2021; Thomas et al., 2019; Wilby and Keenan, 2012; Alber, 2011).

In summary: 1) Gender influences the way in which the climate crisis is experienced, although it should not be the only dimension taken into consideration when assessing impacts and setting up mitigation or adaptation actions; 2) Women’s increased vulnerability is the result of socio-environmental and historical processes and factors, and is not equally distributed among women. Moreover, it is possible—even necessary—to act concomitantly against climate impacts and for greater gender equality, since many co-benefits can emanate from such an alliance (Ergas and York, 2012). Indeed, bearing in mind these gendered differences in the perception and effects of the climate crisis, alongside the actions taken in response to it, the literature argues that action, communication and awareness-raising strategies need to be adapted accordingly to avoid amplifying existing social disparities. In other words, it is not only possible but propitious to conceive of a just ecological transition by examining social gender inequalities from an intersectional perspective, which is what gender-based analysis (GBA) makes possible (Chalifour, 2017; Réseau des femmes en environnement, 2016; Rochette, 2016).

Case study

This research had three main objectives: 1) to present a state of knowledge on climate change through the prism of gender in urban environments in the Global North; 2) to draw a portrait of the situation in Montreal; and 3) in light of the findings, to make various recommendations to the City of Montréal.

To fulfill this mandate, we adopted a qualitative approach aimed at valuing the knowledge and experiences of Montreal women, based on the principles of feminist research. Recognizing the interweaving nature of systems of oppression, we adopted an intersectional approach in both our sampling and our analysis. Although this portrait is not representative in the statistical sense, we have paid particular attention to integrating the perspectives and realities of Montreal women of diverse origins, sexual orientations and ages, with multiple capabilities and from different socioeconomic backgrounds.

The method was deployed in two main phases. The first consisted of a review of recent scientific literature on the themes of gender and climate change in urban environments, and exploratory interviews with three Quebec experts on the subject. This stage revealed that climate vulnerability is not “natural” but rather the result of a combination of socioeconomic factors, socio-spatial inequalities and land use planning decisions.

In the second phase, we conducted a focus group with activists involved in various citizen mobilizations on issues of social and environmental justice in the metropolis, and 16 semi-structured interviews with Quebec community stakeholders as well as experts on gender, the environment, urban planning, health and human rights. The community organizations invited to participate were selected on the basis of various maps of Montreal showing, superimposed, heat islands, inventoried flood zones and areas subject to material and social disadvantage (Bazargani, 2019; Ville de Montréal, 2017)[5], which helped identify the most vulnerable sectors. Other factors that played into our selection of organizations were their availability and their involvement with the female population. A total of 23 people took part in the data collection.



The data collection showed that living conditions among Montrealers differ depending on neighbourhood, and that these variations influence the resilience of this population to climate change. The issues raised by participants can be grouped under four main themes: housing, transportation and mobility, parks and access to nature, and local services and shops. It is important to note the interdependence between these issues and their links to climate change resilience, as we shall see below.

Access to affordable, quality housing

The links between one’s housing quality and resilience to the impacts of climate change have been demonstrated in the literature. The lack of social, affordable and adequate housing is becoming increasingly glaring in Montreal. People with inadequate housing—housing that is too small, dilapidated or poorly insulated—do not benefit in the same way from the protective factor of roofing and are consequently more vulnerable to the effects of climate change (Rochette, 2016). For example, dilapidated or poorly insulated housing leads to energy wastage, affecting tenants’ well-being both in cold weather and during heat waves. These housing problems are not random but the result of systemic prejudice and discrimination that forces these people to stay in or move into inadequate housing and neighbourhoods (TGFM, 2021). Unfortunately, there are few levers available to change this situation, especially for tenants. In addition to the impacts on individuals’ overall health (mental and physical), living in accessible, healthy and adequate housing is an important prerequisite for the civic and political participation of Montreal women (TGFM, 2019). Needless to say, overall vulnerability is exacerbated for women experiencing homelessness.

Transportation and mobility

Transportation and mobility issues are at the heart of the fight against climate change. Mobility is central to the rhythm of urban life and is a determining factor in social and economic integration, and therefore quality of life, for individuals in Montreal (Conseil des Montréalaises, 2009; Jalon, 2021). Currently, in many of the city’s “peripheral” neighbourhoods, women who depend on public transit are heavily penalized by a lack of frequent and reliable service, as well as by access barriers in the bus and subway network. Impediments to their mobility generate stress and wasted time. Added to this are the costs involved in using public transport and the sense of insecurity that can arise during travel or waiting periods, which do not affect all women in the same way (Courcy et al., 2022). Some neighbourhoods are particularly poorly served, which limits women’s daily activities, penalizes them on various levels (financial, social or food-related, in particular) and can generate isolation.

Walking and cycling are the main modes of active transportation used by Montrealers on a daily basis. However, the adoption of active modes of transport varies from one neighbourhood to another, depending on the infrastructure, which can be dilapidated or absent. In addition to the presence and quality of facilities that encourage active transportation (INSPQ, 2013), the issue of urban safety—which may take the form of street harassment or, in certain Montreal sectors, armed violence (Blais et al., 2021)—also represents a major obstacle to women’s well-being in public spaces and when getting around.

Accessibility of parks and natural areas

The existence and accessibility of green spaces in the city is a crucial dimension of the well-being of the urban population. As places for relaxation and recreation, and for gathering and sporting activities, parks and green spaces have a positive impact on physical and mental health; they both encourage a variety of physical activities and provide islands of coolness in summer, playing a role in air quality and the reduction of atmospheric pollution (Benedict and McMahon, 2006). In addition, they play a key role in maintaining the biodiversity of natural ecosystems in cities.

While Montreal has many parks and green spaces, they are unevenly distributed across the metropolis, creating accessibility issues for women in many areas. Moreover, these public spaces frequently lack services such as public toilets, whose use is marked by gendered dynamics, often to the detriment of women (Day, 2000; Kern, 2019). Vigilance remains warranted with regard to the risk of the green gentrification that may arise as a result of greening initiatives (Meerow, 2020; Rigolon and Németh, 2020; Ottaviano, 2020; Gould and Lewis, 2016).

Accessibility to local stores and services

In Montreal, access to a wide range of local services and stores varies greatly from one neighbourhood to another. Yet this access is vital to the resilience and well-being of local populations. Two trends are of particular concern to the community organizations we consulted. One is the devitalization of certain neighbourhoods where the supply of local services and stores is limited, particularly in neighbourhoods that can be described as food deserts. In these areas, women, generally responsible for day-to-day shopping, face a double constraint when it comes to sourcing food and basic products: having to travel greater distances to access goods and services and having to do so with a flawed public transport system. In many cases, these limitations lead them to shop in smaller stores located closer to home, where there tends to be a lesser supply of fresh produce and higher prices than in supermarkets.

The other trend is gentrification, which not only undermines the ability to provide adequate housing for a marginalized and economically precarious population but also transforms the commercial offerings of previously affordable neighbourhoods, where this same population struggles to find staples at an affordable price (Guay et al., 2019).

A commitment to civic involvement

In the light of our discussions with participants, we note that women mobilize for the environment in a variety of ways, both in their individual choices, and in their participation in activist movements and their political demands. They develop relevant knowledge of the particular needs and challenges of their neighbourhoods in terms of social and environmental justice. The community and associative sector plays a vital role in amplifying women’s voices, which often have difficulty reaching decision-making bodies or being taken seriously. Thus, thanks to their proximity to local populations, community organizations and citizens’ groups are strategic players in a just ecological transition.


A consensus is emerging in the literature regarding the determining role of gender, as much in the perceptions and impacts of climate change as in the type of solutions envisaged and their effects. This is accompanied by a recognition that an interdisciplinary, cross-disciplinary approach is needed to combat climate change effectively, justly and equitably. This socio-ecological transition requires structural changes in all areas, from the economy to food, mobility, health, land use and housing.

The findings of this research are in line with existing scientific literature. The issues faced by Montreal women in their daily lives are interdependent and intrinsically linked to their resilience to climate change. Gender greatly influences their experience of the city, including their use of and access to its services and spaces. However, gender is not a “natural” vulnerability factor. Rather, it is the result of political and historical planning decisions and socio-spatial inequalities that materialize in the form of vulnerability factors. If the fight against climate change is to leave no one behind, we need to act simultaneously to reduce social inequalities. This is why the ecological transition must be feminist.

[1] The binarity of this text stems from the fact that the research is based on scientific literature that itself relies on statistics reproducing the binary categories of men and women (McCright, 2010). However, it remains relevant to examine the influence of masculinity and femininity in relation to climate change issues (Lieu et al., 2020).

[2] The research was based on a literature review provided to the researchers by the Conseil des Montréalaises. The review was carried out in the summer of 2021 by Simona Bobrow, Jen Gobby, Rosalie Thibault and Leila Cantave.

[3] The determination of keywords for the database search focused on gender and “climate change,” leaving out various important dimensions essential for a complete intersectional analysis. Several aspects of the problematic were set aside, such as literature on or originating from the Global South that focused on indigenous peoples as well as documents that addressed class or race dimensions but did not integrate the gender dimension.

[4] Care work refers to any form of work, paid or unpaid, consisting of “responding to the need to care for, educate, support or assist others” (Cordeau, 2021; own translation). It is work that generally involves an emotional burden as well as a variety of technical knowledge and skills relating to psychology and interpersonal skills.

[5] The neighbourhoods at the intersection of these three maps are Montréal-Nord, Rivière-des-Prairies, Pointe-aux-Trembles, Mercier-Hochelaga-Maisonneuve, Pointe-Saint-Charles, Ville-Émard, Lachine, Pierrefonds, Ahuntsic-Cartierville, Parc-Extension and Saint-Michel. Obviously, the women who live in these neighbourhoods do not form a monolithic block. However, it is safe to assume that living in these areas is not a matter of chance but rather the result of the accumulation of various forms of discrimination and oppression forcing these women to reside in areas that expose them more strongly to various risks, particularly in relation to climate change.


To cite this article

Léonard, N., Madénian, H., Perras St-Jean, G. (2022). For a just and feminist ecological transition in Montreal.. In Cities, Climate and Inequalities Collection. VRM – Villes Régions Monde..

Reference Text

Conseil des Montréalaises (2022). Avis – Pour une transition écologique juste et féministe à Montréal. Montréal, 71 pages.


Alber, G. (2011). Gender, Cities and Climate Change (Thematic Report). Gender Mainstreaming Unit of UN-HABITAT.

Alber, G., Cahoon, K., et Röhr, U. (2017). Gender and Urban Climate Change Policy: Tackling Cross-Cutting Issues Towards Equitable, Sustainable Cities. In S. Buckingham et V. Le Masson (éd.), Understanding Climate Change Through Gender Relations. Routledge.

Allwood, G. (2020). Mainstreaming Gender and Climate Change to Achieve a Just Transition to a Climate‐Neutral Europe. JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies, 58(S1), 173‑186.

Arora-Jonsson, S., Westholm, L., Temu, B. J., et Petitt, A. (2016). Carbon and Cash in Climate Assemblages: The Making of a New Global Citizenship. Antipode, 48(1), 74‑96.

Bazargani, M. (2019). Indice de défavorisation matérielle et sociale [Carte]. Direction de la santé publique du CIUSS du Centre-Sud-de-l’Île-de-Montréal.

Bee, B. A., Rice, J., et Trauger, A. (2015). A Feminist Approach to Climate Change Governance: Everyday and Intimate Politics. Geography Compass, 9, 339‑350.

Benedict, M., et McMahon, E. (2006). Green Infrastructure: Linking Landscapes and Communities. Washington DC. Island Press.

Blais, M., Dumerchat, M., et Simard, A. (2021). Les impacts du harcèlement de rue sur les femmes à Montréal (80 p.). Services aux collectivités de l’Université du Québec à Montréal/Centre d’éducation et d’action des femmes de Montréal.

Chalifour, N. J. (2017). How a Gendered Understanding of Climate Change Can Help Shape Canadian Climate Policy. In M. Griffin Cohen (éd.), Climate Change and Gender in Rich Countries: Work, Public Policy and Action. Routledge.

Champagne St-Arnaud, V., Lalloz, C., Alexandre, M., Daignault, P., et Poitras P. (2021). Baromètre de l’action climatique. Disposition des Québécoises et des Québécois envers les défis climatiques 2021 (38 p.). Laboratoire de l’action climatique.

Conseil des Montréalaises. (2009). L’accessibilité du transport collectif et son impact sur la qualité de vie des Montréalaises (70 p.). Conseil des Montréalaises.

Cordeau, L. (2021, 14 mai). La valeur du travail du care sous la loupe de la pandémie. Conseil du statut de la femme.

Courcy, I., Lavoie Mongrain, C., et Blais, M. (2022). Rapport de recherche sur le harcèlement de rue à Montréal (59 p.). Service aux collectivités de l’Université du Québec à Montréal/Centre d’éducation et d’action des femmes de Montréal. Recherche soutenue par la Ville de Montréal et le Secrétariat à la condition féminine.

Davidson, D. J., et Haan, M. (2012). Gender, Political Ideology, and Climate Change Beliefs in an Extractive Industry Community. Population and Environment, 34(2), 217‑234.

Day, K. (2000). The Ethic of Care and Women’s Experiences of Public Space. Journal of Environmental Psychology, 20(2), 103‑124.

Dymén, C., Andersson, M., et Langlais, R. (2013). Gendered Dimensions of Climate Change Response in Swedish Municipalities. Local Environment, 18(9), 1066‑1078.

Eastin, J. (2018). Climate Change and Gender Equality in Developing States. World Development, 107(July), 289‑305.

Ergas, C., et York, R. (2012). Women’s Status and Carbon Dioxide Emissions: A Quantitative Cross-National Analysis. Social Science Research, 41(4), 965‑976.

Faulkner, W. (2000). Dualisms, Hierarchies and Gender in Engineering. Social Studies of Science, 30(5), 759‑792.

Figueiredo, P., et Perkins, P. E. (2013). Women and Water Management in Times of Climate Change: Participatory and Inclusive Processes. Journal of Cleaner Production, 60(December), 188‑194.

Fletcher, A. (2017). “Maybe Tomorrow Will Be Better”: Gender and Farm Work in a Changing Climate. In M. Griffin Cohen (éd.), Climate Change and Gender in Rich Countries: Work, Public Policy and Action. Routledge.

Gaard, G. (2015). Ecofeminism and Climate Change. Women’s Studies International Forum, 49, 20‑33.

Gay-Antaki, M. (2020). Feminist Geographies of Climate Change: Negotiating Gender at Climate Talks. Geoforum, 115, 1‑10.

Gould, K., et Lewis, T. (2016). Green Gentrification: Urban Sustainability and the Struggle for Environmental Justice. Routledge.

Griffin Cohen, M. (2014). Gendered Emissions: Counting Greenhouse Gas Emissions by Gender and Why It Matters. Alternate Routes: A Journal of Critical Social Research, 25, 55‑80.

Griffin Cohen, M. (2017). Introduction: Why Gender Matters When Dealing with Climate Change. In Climate Change and Gender in Rich Countries: Work, Public Policy and Action.

Guay, E., Megelas, A., et Nichols, N. (2019). La gentrification contre le droit à la ville. Le cas de Parc-Extension. Nouveaux cahiers du socialisme, 22, 198‑204.

IFPRI. (2012). A Literature Review of the Gender-Differentiated Impacts of Climate Change on Women’s and Men’s Assets and Well-Being in Developing Countries. International Food Policy Research Institute.

INSPQ. (2013). Mémoire concernant la Politique québécoise de mobilité durable : Des interventions pour favoriser le transport actif et la pratique d’activité physique (51 p.). Institut national de santé publique du Québec.

IPCC. (2022). Climate Change 2022: Mitigation of Climate Change (2913 p.) [Working Group III contribution to the Sixth Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change]. UN.

Jalon. (2021, 16 septembre). Mobilité au féminin : s’intéresser aux questions d’accessibilité et d’équité pour le bénéfice… de tous! Jalon.

Kern, L. (2019). Feminist City: A Field Guide. Between the Lines.

Khosla, P., et Masaud, A. (2010). Cities, Climate Change and Gender: A Brief Overview. In I. Dankelman (éd.), Gender and Climate Change: An Introduction. Earthscan.

Köhler, J., Geels, F. W., Kern, F., Markard, J., Onsongo, E., Wieczorek, A., Alkemade, F., Avelino, F., Bergek, A., Boons, F., Fünfschilling, L., Hess, D., Holtz, G., Hyysalo, S., Jenkins, K., Kivimaa, P., Martiskainen, M., McMeekin, A., Mühlemeier, M. S., … Wells, P. (2019). An Agenda for Sustainability Transitions Research: State of the Art and Future Directions. Environmental Innovation and Societal Transitions, 31, 1‑32.

Lieu, J., Sorman, A. H., Johnson, O. W., Virla, L. D., et Resurrección, B. P. (2020). Three Sides to Every Story: Gender Perspectives in Energy Transition Pathways in Canada, Kenya and Spain. Energy Research & Social Science, 68, 101550.

McCright, A. M. (2010). The Effects of Gender on Climate Change Knowledge and Concern in the American Public. Population and Environment, 32(1), 66‑87.

McGregor, D. (2008). Anishnaabe-Kwe, Traditional Knowledge and Water Protection. Canadian Women Studies, 25(3‑4).

Meerow, S. (2020). The Politics of Multifunctional Green Infrastructure Planning in New York City. Cities, 100.

Ministère des Transports du Québec. (2019). Guide d’analyse du genre adapté au domaine des transports (69 p.). Direction de la planification stratégique et de la reddition de comptes; édité par la Direction des communications du ministère des Transports.

Ottaviano, G. (2020). Greentrification: Facing Spatial Justice in Urban Renewals.

Papineau, K. (2017). Rôle des femmes dans l’espace public et changements climatiques au Québec : Réalisation et étude de la plate-forme Web Rose sur vert dans le cadre d’une recherche-intervention. [Mémoire de maîtrise en communication]. Université du Québec à Montréal.

Perkins, P. E. (2017). Canadian Indigenous Female Leadership and Political Agency on Climate Change. In M. Griffin Cohen (éd.), Climate Change and Gender in Rich Countries: Work, Public Policy and Action. Routledge.

Perkins, P. E., et Peat, J. (2017). Gender and Climate Justice in Canada: Stories from the Grassroots. York University.

Prindeville, D.-M., et Bretting, J. G. (1998). Indigenous Women Activists and Political Participation: The Case of Environmental Justice. Women & Politics, 19(1), 39‑58.

Rainey, S. A., et Johnson, G. S. (2009). Grassroots Activism: An Exploration of Women of Color’s Role in the Environmental Justice Movement. Race, Gender & Class, 16(3‑4), 144‑173.

Ranganathan, M., et Bratman, E. (2021). From Urban Resilience to Abolitionist Climate Justice in Washington, DC. Antipode, 53(1), 115‑137.

Réseau des femmes en environnement. (2016). Montréal leader climatique! L’intégration du genre dans la lutte et l’adaptation aux changements climatiques (18 p.) [Mémoire soumis à l’Office de consultation publique de Montréal]. Réseau des femmes en environnement.

Resurrección, B. P. (2013). Persistent Women and Environment Linkages in Climate Change and Sustainable Development Agendas. Women’s Studies International Forum, 40, 33‑43.

Resurrección, B. P., Bee, B. A., Dankelman, I., Park, C. M. Y., Haldar, M., et McMullen, C. P. (2019). Gender-Transformative Climate Change Adaptation: Advancing Social Equity (56 p.). Stockholm Environment Institute.

Rigolon, A., et Németh, J. (2020). Green Gentrification or ‘Just Green Enough’: Do Park Location, Size and Function Affect Whether a Place Gentrifies or Not? Urban Studies, 57(2), 402‑420.

Rochette, A. (2016). Climate Change is a Social Justice Issue: The Need for a Gender-Based Analysis of Mitigation and Adaptation Policies in Canada and Québec. Journal of Environmental Law and Practice, 29, 383‑410.

Rochette, A. (2018c). Les impacts différenciés et l’adaptation aux changements climatiques au Québec (Fiche 10; L’intégration de la dimension de genre dans la lutte et l’adaptation aux changements climatiques au Québec). Réseau des femmes en environnement.

Rochette, A., Lavigne Le Buis, F., et Gramme, S. (2013). L’intégration du genre dans la lutte aux changements climatiques au Québec.  

Rodriguez Acha, M. A. (2017). We Have to Wake Up, Humankind! Women’s Struggles for Survival and Climate and Environmental Justice. Development, 60(32-39).

Saleh Safi, A., Smith, W. J., et Liu, Z. (2012). Rural Nevada and Climate Change: Vulnerability, Beliefs, and Risk Perception. Risk Analysis, 32(6), 1041‑1059.

Sellers, S. (2016). Gender and Climate Change: A Closer Look at Existing Evidence. Global Gender and Climate Alliance

Suliman, N. N. (2019). The Intertwined Relationship Between Power and Patriarchy: Examples from Resource Extractive Industries. Societies, 9(1), 14.

Swim, J. K., Vescio, T. K., Dahl, J. L., et Zawadzki, S. J. (2018). Gendered Discourse About Climate Change Policies. Global Environmental Change, 48, 216‑225.

TGFM. (2019). État des lieux des enjeux de logement vécus par les Montréalaises (30 p.). Table des groupes de femmes de Montréal.

TGFM. (2021). Le droit au logement des Montréalaises : On y travaille, et vous? (75 p.). Table des groupes de femmes de Montréal.

Thomas, A., Cretney, R., et Hayward, B. (2019). Student Strike 4 Climate: Justice, Emergency and Citizenship. New Zealand Geographer, 75(2), 96‑100.

Ville de Montréal. (2017). Plan d’adaptation aux changements climatiques de l’agglomération de Montréal 2015-2020. Ville de Montréal.

Waldron, I. R. G. (2018). Women on the Frontlines: Grassroots Movements Against Environmental Violence in Indigenous and Black Communities in Canada. Kalfou, 5(2).

Weiss, C. (2012). Women and Environmental Justice: A Literature Review. Australia: Women’s Health in the North (WHIN).

WEN/NFWI. (2007). Women’s Manifesto on Climate Change (17 p.). Women’s Environmental Network et National Federation of Women’s Institutes.

Wilby, R. L., et Keenan, R. (2012). Adapting to Flood Risk Under Climate Change. Progress in Physical Geography: Earth and Environment, 36(3), 348‑378.